Legal Service
Directorate for Legislative Affairs
SJ-0086/17 - GEDA D/10660
17 March 2017
This document is a confidential legal opinion which may be protected under Regulation 1049/2001 of the
European Parliament and of the Council of 30 May 2001 regarding public access
to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents. The European Parliament
reserves all its rights should this be disclosed without its authorisation.
LEGAL OPINION
Re:
LIBE – Joint Way Forward with Afghanistan - legal nature - international
agreements - readmission - role of the European Parliament
I.
Introduction
1. On 30 January 2017, the Legal Service received a request from Mr Claude MORAES,
Chairman of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) for a legal
opinion relating to the conclusion of the “
Joint Way Forward on migration issues between
Afghanistan and the EU”. The Chairman asked the following questions:
“
1. As several key provisions of the ‘Joint Way Forward’ are similar to standard clauses
in readmission agreements (see Annexes), could any measures or actions taken by the EU
Institutions, agencies or an EU Member State on the basis of or in the framework of any
provisions of the ‘Joint Way Forward’ produce effects similar or equivalent to those of a
readmission agreement? In such a case, what would be possible legal remedies?
2. Can the ‘Joint Way Forward’ be considered an international agreement as referred to
in Part Five, Title V of the TFEU? What is the legal value of the statement ‘The ‘Joint Way
Forward’ is not intended to create legal rights or obligations under international law”?
May any of its detailed provisions contradict this statement?
a) In case the ‘Joint Way Forward’ would be considered as an international agreement,
have Parliament's prerogatives, among which Article 218 paragraph 10, been respected?
b) In case the ‘Joint Way Forward’ would not be considered as an international
agreement, what would be the prerogatives of the European Parliament, including as
regards its information? What additional elements would be necessary for the Joint Way
Forward to be considered an international agreement?”
1
a) Context
2. On 2 October 2016, the European Union and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan approved
a document named “
Joint Way Forward on migration issues between Afghanistan and the
EU” (hereinafter the “JWF”), in the form of a declaration reflecting their “
joint commitment
[...]
to step up their cooperation on addressing and preventing irregular migration, and on
return of irregular migrants”.
3. The JWF was published on the EEAS website.1 It contains the date and the place of
adoption (“
Kabul, 2 October 2016”), but it does not contain any signatures. According to
press information, this document was signed by the representatives of the Afghan
Government and of the EU Delegation to Afghanistan. 2
4. As regards the EU, on 18 July 2016 the Council adopted its Conclusions on Afghanistan,
in which it urged the “
Afghan Government to cooperate on the return and readmission of
its nationals, in full respect of their human rights and in accordance with international
obligations and commitments. This is the central and essential element of the Joint Way
Forward, which addresses the growing pressure of irregular migration in parallel to
Member States’ initiatives and agreements [...]”.3 The JWF was negotiated by the
Commission. Following the conclusion of the negotiations, the JWF was endorsed by the
delegations at the JHA Counsellors meeting of 22 September 2016 and it was confirmed
by the Council on the same day.4
5. In its conclusions of 20 and 21 October 2016, the European Council welcomed “
the signing
of the EU-Afghanistan Joint Way Forward on Migration Issues”.5
6. After the JWF was signed, a group of MEPs asked the Commission an oral question on the
procedure leading to the adoption of the JWF and on the lack of consultation of the
Parliament.6 On 26 October 2016 the Parliament debated this issue at the plenary sitting
with the participation of Commissioner AVRAMOPOULOS.
1 The document is available here:
https://eeas.europa.eu/sites/eeas/files/eu_afghanistan_joint_way_forward_on_migration_issues.pdf.
2 Allegedly it was signed by Deputy Minister of Refugees of Afghanistan Dr Alema Alema and Mr George
Cunningham, Deputy Head of the EU Delegation, see more at :
https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/eu-and-afghanistan-get-deal-on-migrants-disagreements-pressure-and-
last-minute-politics/.
3 Document of the Council 11245/16.
4 See Council document 12191/16 of 22 September 2016 (limite).
5 Document EUCO 31/16.
6 The text of the OQ is available here : http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-
%2f%2fEP%2f%2fTEXT%2bOQ%2bO-2016-
000123%2b0%2bDOC%2bXML%2bV0%2f%2fEN&language=EN.
2
7. At the time of writing this opinion, the JWF has already started to be implemented. The
first meeting of the joint working group (set up on the basis of the JWF) was held on 30
November.7 According to the information provided by the Commission at the LIBE
meeting of 31 January 2017, four return operations to Afghanistan have taken place since
the signature of the JWF, although three of them were organised under bilateral Memoranda
of Understanding that some Member States have concluded with Afghanistan.
8. In the context of EU-Afghanistan relations in particular, it has to be added that on 18
February 2017, the two parties signed a Cooperation Agreement on Partnership and
Development (hereinafter “CAPD”). This agreement, covering a wide range of economic
and political areas, also envisages cooperation on migration (Article 28, see further details
below). The CAPD will be applied on a provisional basis,8 pending ratification by the EU
and the Member States (since it is a mixed agreement).
9. It is also worth mentioning, in the general context of the readmission agreements with third
countries, that the EU has so far concluded 17 readmission agreements.9 Moreover, in
relation to the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, this obligation is further
stipulated in Article 13 of the Cotonou Agreement.10 In addition to the formal readmission
agreements, High-Level Political Dialogues were launched with some priority third
countries in order to improve the effectiveness of return and readmission of irregular
migrants. In the EU Plan on return, 11 Afghanistan was mentioned as one of such priority
countries.12 The JWF seems also to be connected with the current policy of promoting
Partnership Frameworks with third countries (migration compacts), launched by the
Commission in 2016. The aim of these Partnership Frameworks is to create “
coherent and
tailored engagement where the Union and its Member States act in a coordinated manner
putting together instruments, tools and leverage to reach comprehensive partnerships
7 According to the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the European Council and
the Council “
Second Progress Report - First Deliverables on the Partnership Framework with third countries
under the European Agenda on Migration”, COM(2016)960 final.
8 Provisional application will concern issues falling within EU competence, including political dialogue, human
rights, gender equality, development cooperation, cooperation on trade and investment matters, cooperation on
migration, and regional cooperation.
9 The EU has readmission agreements with Russia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey,
the Western Balkan countries and also with Hong-Kong, Macao, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Cape-Verde. Moreover,
the EU has launched negotiations to conclude readmission agreements with Belarus, Nigeria, Tunisia, Jordan,
Morocco and Algeria.
10 Under Article 13 of the Cotonou Agreement, the ACP countries have committed to accept the return of and
readmission of their nationals who are illegally present on the territory of a Member State of the EU, at that
Member State's request and without further formalities.
11 Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and to the Council - “
EU Action Plan on
Return” COM(2015) 453 final.
12
Ibid. p.12.
3
(compacts) with third countries to better manage migration in full respect of our
humanitarian and human rights obligations”.13
b) Content
10. The JWF is presented as a joint EU-Afghanistan declaration containing the following
elements :
Introduction, which sets out the objective of this document, which is “
the joint
commitment of the EU and the Government of Afghanistan to step up their cooperation
on addressing and preventing irregular migration, and on return of irregular migrants
[...]”, and which contains a statement on the non-binding nature of this document: “
The
JWF is not intended to create legal rights or obligations under international law. It
paves the way for a structural dialogue and cooperation on migration issues, based on
a commitment to identify effective ways to address the needs of both sides. It comes in
support of the EU Member States bilateral relations with Afghanistan and cannot be
interpreted as superseding the existing or preventing the conclusion of future bilateral
agreements between the EU Member States and Afghanistan.”
nine Parts, which can regrouped under the following topics: 1) the facilitation of the
process of return as regards the return to Afghanistan of Afghan citizens illegally
staying in the EU (in particular, in relation to recognition of travel documents,
organisation of flights, the situation of unaccompanied persons and other vulnerable
persons); 2) accompanying measures and the EU’s assistance, such as information and
awareness-raising campaigns and return programmes to facilitate the reintegration of
Afghan nationals returning back to their country, as well as the EU’s assistance to the
Afghan Government for stepping up the fight against smuggling and trafficking in
human beings; 3) institutional elements (a joint working group, exchange of
documents, start of cooperation).
Annex entitled “Proposed reintegration package” which is supposed to be funded by
the EU, aiming to support the reintegration of Afghan nationals returning to
Afghanistan.
II. Analysis
11. In order to reply to the questions raised by the LIBE Committee, the present opinion will
first examine the question of whether the JWF should or should not be considered as an
international agreement as referred to in Part Five, Title V of the TFEU before analysing
the issue of the Parliament’s prerogatives.
13 Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the
European Investment Bank “
on establishing a new partnership framework with third countries under the
European Agenda on Migration” COM(2016) 385 final.
4
1) The legal nature of the JWF
a) Is the JWF an international agreement?
12. According to the case-law of the Court of Justice, the expression “agreement”, as it is used
in Article 218 TFEU, indicates any undertaking entered into by entities subject to
international law which has binding force, whatever its formal designation.14 The decisive
criterion to determine whether or not an undertaking is binding is the intention of the
parties.15 In other words, the binding effect of an agreement mainly depends on the parties’
intention to be bound by it as a matter of international law.
13. That intention is to be established on the basis of, in particular, the actual terms of the
agreement and also the circumstances in which it was drawn up. 16
14. As regards the JWF, the intention of the parties is clearly expressed in the terms of this
document. The act explicitly states that it “
is not intended to create legal rights or
obligations under international law” (see the Introduction).
15. This, alone, is sufficient, in the light of the case-law quoted,17 to conclude that the JWF
does not constitute a binding agreement.
16. Moreover, without it being a decisive factor,18 the absence of the term “
shall”, which, both
in international treaties and in internal EU law, characterises binding obligations, also
emphasises the non-binding nature of the JWF. The use of the verbs in the English present
tense19, in the future tense20, or, on some occasions, of the term “
should”21, also suggests
the non-binding character of this act. Furthermore, the expressions used in the JWF, such
as e.g. “...
intend to cooperate...”,22 “...
reaffirms its commitment...”,23 “...
will make every
14 Opinion of the Court 1/75, ECLI:EU:C:1975:145; C-327/91 France v Commission, ECLI:EU:C:1994:305,
paragraph 27.
15 C-233/02 France v Commission ECLI:EU:C:2004:173, paragraph 42.
16
Ibid. paragraphs 43 and 44
17
Ibid. paragraphs 43 and 45.
18
Ibid. paragraph 43.
19 “...
intend to cooperate...”, “
reaffirms its commitment...” (Part I.1-2), “...
cooperate closely...”(Part III.1), “...
the
EU is launching...” (Part IV.4), “...
declare their intention...” (Part VII) etc.
20 “...
will be returned...” (Part I.3), “...
will ensure...” (Part II.1-2), “...
will make every effort...” ( Part II.2), “...
will
enhance its efforts...”( Part V.1) etc.
21 “...
should include...” (Part V.1), “...
should be found...”(Part IX).
22 Part I.1.
23 Part I.2.
5
effort...”,24 “...
will enhance...”25 clearly reflect the intention of both parties not to be bound
in law.
17. Another important aspect to be considered is related to the circumstances in which this
document was drawn up. The document does not contain any signatures, although it is
certain that it was signed, since this fact is mentioned expressly in the text (see Part VIII
“
Cooperation will begin on the day this declaration is signed.”). According to press
information, the JWF was signed by the representatives of the Afghan Government and of
the EU Delegation to Afghanistan. The persons who signed this document do not seem to
be considered, under international law, as having the “full powers” to either represent the
EU or Afghanistan for the purposes of expressing the consent of the respective parties to
be bound by a treaty.26
18. Moreover, the history of the negotiations of the JWF27 also militates in favour of the non-
binding character of the JWF. It can be deduced from the documents of the Commission,
the Council and the European Council that throughout the process of negotiation, these
institutions considered the JWF as a non-binding commitment and not as an international
agreement, as referred to in Article 218 TFEU. It also emanates from these documents that
the intention of the Government of Afghanistan was not to be bound by a legally binding
international treaty.28
19. It is also stated in the JWF that it “
comes in support of the EU Member States bilateral
relations with Afghanistan and cannot be interpreted as superseding the existing or
preventing the conclusion of future bilateral agreements between the EU Member States
and Afghanistan” (see the Introduction). If the JWF was an agreement concluded by the
EU, it would have to take precedence over the provisions of any bilateral readmission
agreements concluded between the Member States and Afghanistan.29 In this regard, it is
to be mentioned that a number of bilateral readmission agreements are currently in force
between Afghanistan and individual Member States.30
24 Part II.2.
25 Part V.1.
26 Articles 7, 10, 11, 12 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.
27 See C-233/02, cited above, paragraph 44.
28 See in particular, the joint Commission-EEAS non-paper, of 2 March 2016, on enhancing cooperation on
migration, mobility and readmission with Afghanistan, p.4-6. See also the press information at:
https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/eu-and-afghanistan-get-deal-on-migrants-disagreements-pressure-and-
last-minute-politics/.
29 See e.g. Article 21 of the Readmission Agreement with Turkey.
30 Several Member States (Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, the UK) as well as Norway have
concluded a Memorandum of Understanding with Afghanistan on readmission. It has been reported in the press
that on the same day as the JWF was signed, the bilateral German–Afghan agreement on readmission was signed
and two other bilateral agreements on readmission, with Finland and Sweden, were initialled.
6
20. Finally, it is worth mentioning that there is no obligation on the side of the EU to conclude
an international agreement regarding the readmission of third country nationals. In the light
of Article 79(3) TFEU, the Union “
may conclude agreements with third countries for the
readmission to their countries of origin or provenance of third-country nationals who do
not or who no longer fulfil the conditions for entry, presence or residence in the territory
of one of the Member States”. It has been assumed that the EU competence to conclude a
readmission agreement is not exclusive, so the Member States remain entitled to sign
bilateral agreements. For the EU (as well as for individual Member States in the case of
bilateral agreements), it is a political choice to either engage in a legally binding agreement
or to only adopt a political commitment. The same is true for the other party. A third country
may either be willing to enter into a binding agreement or it may prefer to cooperate with
the EU (or a Member State) within a non-binding framework.31
21. In the context of EU-Afghan relations, it is also important to mention Article 28 of the
recently signed CAPD, even if this agreement is yet to be concluded. Article 28(4) of the
CAPD refers to a conclusion, “
upon request by either Party”, of “
an agreement regulating
specific obligations for readmission”.32 This provision refers to the possible conclusion of
a readmission agreement between the EU and Afghanistan in the future, proving,
additionally, that at the time of the CAPD’s signing, both the EU and Afghanistan were not
considering the JWF - which is prior to the CAPD - as being equivalent to such a
readmission agreement. Moreover, paragraphs 1 to 3 of Article 28 of the CAPD also refer
to less formalised methods of cooperation between the EU and Afghanistan, that is, in
particular, “
a comprehensive dialogue and cooperation on migration-related issues”,
which
“shall cover issues affecting asylum, […]
regular and irregular immigration, return,
readmission, […]
and the fight against trafficking in human beings and migrant
smuggling”. As a result, the CAPD provides for both the possibility of a legally binding
readmission agreement and other types of cooperation in the field of readmission and
return.
31 See also the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council “
on a more
effective return policy in the European Union - a renewed Action Plan”, COM(2017)200, p. 12 : “
With countries
with which a formal readmission agreement could not be pursued, the Commission focused on improving practical
cooperation through operational tools and instruments such as standard operational procedures.”
32 “
1. The Parties agree to cooperate with the aim of preventing irregular migration flows from their territory to
the territory of the other Party.
2. The Parties reaffirm the importance of joint management of migration flows between Afghanistan and the Union
and undertake to engage in a comprehensive dialogue and cooperation on migration-related issues, in line with
the Union’s Global Approach to Migration and Mobility and relevant international conventions. This dialogue
and cooperation shall cover issues affecting asylum, relations between migration and development, regular and
irregular immigration, return, readmission, visas, border management, document security, and the fight against
trafficking in human beings and migrant smuggling.
3. Cooperation in the areas mentioned under this Article may also include capacity-building measures.
4. The Parties agree to conclude, upon request by either Party, an agreement regulating specific obligations for
readmission, including provisions regarding nationals of other countries and stateless persons.”
7
22. To conclude, the JWF can be considered as a non-legally binding political commitment,
undertaken jointly by the EU and Afghanistan. It falls into a category of “
soft law”
instruments, that is, non-conventional concerted acts, widely used in international relations,
which allow the interested parties to express a political commitment without entering into
legally binding agreements.33 Such “soft law” instruments have also been recognised in the
case-law of the Court of Justice.34
b) What are the effects of the JWF?
23. Being a soft law instrument, the JWF may nevertheless produce some effects. In this
context, it is necessary to further examine the question of whether the JWF would produce
similar effects to readmission agreements and whether there would be any legal remedies
available against possible actions taken by the EU Institutions, agencies or Member States
on the basis of or in the framework of the JWF.
24. As regards a comparison between the JWF and a standard EU readmission agreement, it is
to be noted that some of the elements of both types of acts partially overlap, as the request
for this legal opinion has carefully documented (see the annex to the request). These
provisions concern the commitment to international obligations,35 the readmission of own
nationals,36 transfer modalities,37 readmission in error38 and the joint readmission
committee/joint working group.39
25. However, there are important differences between the JWF and the readmission
agreements.
26. Firstly, as mentioned above, the JWF was adopted as a political commitment which is non-
binding under international law, as expressly stated therein.
27. Secondly, the JWF is drafted using a non-binding language, so it is not intended to produce
legally binding effects, contrary to readmission agreements.
33There is, in the international law, a growing trend of concluding “
soft law” instruments, covering, in particular,
resolutions of international organisations and non-binding agreements, such as e.g. the Helsinki Final Act of 1975,
the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development and the Statement of Principles for a Global Consensus on
the Management, Conservation and Sustainable Development of All Types of Forest.
34 See the recent order of the General Court of 28 February 2017 in relation to the EU-Turkey Statement: T-
192/16,
NF v
European Council, ECLI:EU:T:2017:128. See also cases C-233/02, cited above, and C-660/13
Council v
Commission, ECLI:EU:C:2016:616.
35 See e.g. Article 2 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement and the “Introduction” of the JWF.
36 See e.g. Article 3 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement and Part I of the JWF.
37 See e.g. Article 12 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement and Part II of the JWF.
38 See e.g. Article 13 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement and Part II.6. of the JWF.
39 See e.g. Article 19 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement and Part VI of the JWF.
8
28. Thirdly, while the JWF outlines some general principles of cooperation relating to the
return of Afghan citizens back to their country, the readmission agreements are more
comprehensive in the way they lay down detailed and mandatory procedures, such as, a
readmission application,40 means of evidence regarding nationality,41 time-limits,42 data
protection.43 Such elements are missing in the JWF. As a result, the readmission procedures
outlined therein are less structured than those laid down in a readmission agreement.
29. Fourthly, there are more differences as regards the content. Some of the standard clauses
of the readmission agreements are missing in the JWF, such as: readmission of third-
country nationals and stateless persons,44 readmission obligations by the Union,45 transit
operations.46 Likewise, the JWF contains some elements which are not included in standard
readmission agreements, and which go beyond the readmission itself, such as: information
and awareness-raising,47 return programmes and reintegration assistance with the proposed
reintegration package,48 fight against smuggling and trafficking in human beings.49
30. As regards the effects of the JWF, the EU and Afghanistan are not, contrary to the
readmission agreements, legally bound to follow the terms of cooperation set out in the
JWF. The JWF is thus not intended to produce any legally binding effects. As a result, this
instrument does not affect the EU’s internal legislation, neither does it add any new
obligations or rights for the individuals concerned.
31. The JWF may nevertheless produce practical effects leading to the facilitation of
readmission of Afghan nationals, which may be similar to those of a readmission
agreement, but only on the condition that the two parties (EU and Afghanistan) respect the
terms of cooperation described in the JWF. However, since the JWF is only based on a
political commitment, there is less certainty than in the readmission agreements, that the
terms of cooperation will indeed be respected.
32. As to the question of whether any legal remedies are available against possible actions
taken by the EU Institutions, agencies or Member States, it is important to clarify, first of
all, whether any actions or acts affecting individuals can be adopted on the basis of or in
the framework of the JWF.
40 See e.g. Article 8 and Annex 5 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
41 See e.g. Article 9 and Annexes 1 and 2 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
42 See e.g. Article 11 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
43 See e.g. Article 17 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
44 See e.g. Article 4 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
45 See e.g. Article 5 - 6 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
46 See e.g. Article 14 - 15 of the EU-Armenia Readmission Agreement.
47 Part III of the JWF.
48 Part IV and Annex of the JWF.
49 Part V of the JWF.
9
33. The JWF aims to facilitate the return process of any Afghan citizens illegally staying in the
EU. However, the return decisions concerning those Afghan citizens illegally staying in the
EU are adopted on the basis of the Return Directive50 or of the relevant provisions of
national law,51 independently from the JWF. The aim of the JWF is to facilitate the return
process to Afghanistan, but this instrument does not affect the adoption of a return decision
as such, since it comes into play only after a decision to return an Afghan citizen illegally
staying in the EU is taken.52
34. The mechanism of legal remedies also remains unaffected by the JWF. Afghan citizens -
like any other third country nationals in this situation - have the right to an effective remedy
against a return decision concerning them, pursuant to Article 13 of the Return Directive
or in accordance with national law.53
35. Moreover, the existence of the JWF does not mean that returns should automatically be
executed to the third country concerned. A return decision, adopted on the basis of the
Return Directive or of the relevant provisions of national law, must take due consideration
of each individual case and of the situation in the third country of return. Even if a return
decision is adopted, but there are reasons to believe that the return of immigrants to a
particular third country would violate the principle of
non-refoulement, the return must be
suspended.54
2) The prerogatives of the European Parliament in the case of the JWF
36. If the EU concluded a legally binding readmission agreement with Afghanistan, the
European Parliament would have to give its consent pursuant to Article 218(6)(a)(v) TFEU
50 Directive 2008/115/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2008 on common
standards and procedures in Member States for returning illegally staying third-country nationals, OJ L 348,
24.12.2008, p.98.
51 As regards the illegally staying third country nationals to whom only national law applies, in accordance with
Article 2(2) of the Return Directive.
52 This is confirmed by the JWF, Part I.3.: “
Afghan nationals who are found to have no legal basis to remain in
an EU Member State, whose protection needs or compelling humanitarian reasons, if any, have been considered
in accordance with the applicable legislation and who have received an enforceable decision to leave that Member
State, can choose to return voluntarily. Afghan nationals who choose not to comply with such a decision on a
voluntary basis will be returned to Afghanistan, once administrative and judicial procedures with suspensive
effects have been exhausted (emphasis added).”
53 From this perspective, a possible conclusion of a legally binding EU readmission agreement with Afghanistan
would not change anything, since such an agreement would also be applied to the execution of a return decision
and it would not grant any additional legal remedies.
54 See Article 9 of the Return Directive. As regards Afghanistan in particular, it has been reported in the press
that, as the situation in this country worsens, six of Germany’s 16
Bundesländer have suspended deportations of
failed asylum seekers back to Afghanistan (see more at : http://www.euractiv.com/section/global-
europe/news/german-regions-stop-sending-rejected-asylum-seekers-back-to-afghanistan/).
10
and it would have to be immediately and fully informed at all stages of the procedure, in
accordance with Article 218(10) TFEU and the case-law of the Court of Justice55.
37. However, given that the JWF is not an international agreement, the procedures provided
for in Article 218 TFEU do not apply, and consequently the Parliament is not involved.
Nevertheless, the Parliament is entitled to use any other powers at its disposal, if it
disapproves of the Commission’s policy of concluding soft law instruments with third
countries in the field of migration. In such a case, it is possible for the Parliament to take
the following actions on the basis of its budgetary and supervisory powers.
38. The supervisory powers of the Parliament, which are to make effective the Commission’s
accountability to the Parliament, include the right to ask questions56 and to establish the
committees of inquiry57 and may culminate with a motion of censure of the Commission.58
In the present case, before taking any action, the Parliament can start by requesting the
Commission to provide it with detailed information on the implementation of the Return
Directive, in particular in relation to Afghanistan, and on the impact of the JWF in that
context.
39. The budgetary powers of the Parliament include the power to adopt the budget59 and to give
a discharge to the Commission.60 These are noteworthy powers in the context of the JWF
and of all similar forms of cooperation concluded with the third countries as part of
Partnership Frameworks,61 since, together with a commitment related to irregular
migration, there is often a financial commitment from the EU side in relation to a particular
third country.62
55 See C-658/11
Parliament v
Council ECLI:EU:C:2014:2025 paragraph 86.
56 Article 230 TFEU.
57 Article 226 TFEU.
58 Article 234 TFEU.
59 Article 314 TFEU.
60 Article 319 TFEU.
61 See above, Communication from the Commission “
on establishing a new partnership framework with third
countries under the European Agenda on Migration”, p.9-11.
62 In the case of the JWF, the EU has offered a reintegration package to support the sustainable reintegration of
Afghan nationals returning to Afghanistan (see Annex to the JWF). This reintegration package was adopted in the
form of the Commission’s implementing act of 16 December 2016 on the Special Measure on "
Improving
Reintegration of Returnees in Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan" to be financed from the general budget of
the European Union, C(2016)8433, on the basis of Article 2(1) of Regulation (EU) No 236/2014 of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 11 March 2014 laying down common rules and procedures for the
implementation of the Union's instruments for financing external action, OJ L 77, 15.3.2014, p. 95.
11
III. Conclusions
The Legal Service reaches the following conclusions:
1. According to the case-law of the Court of Justice, the intention of the parties is a decisive
criterion for the purpose of determining whether or not a particular undertaking is a legally
binding international agreement. That intention is to be established on the basis of, in
particular, the actual terms of the agreement and also the circumstances in which it was
drawn up.
2. The JWF explicitly states that it is not intended to create legal rights or obligations under
international law. Moreover, it is drafted using a non-binding language. Similarly the
circumstances in which this document was drawn up prove that the intention of the parties
was to conclude a non-legally binding commitment. As a result, despite some similarities
with the readmission agreements, the JWF is to be considered as a non-legally binding
political commitment, undertaken jointly by the EU and Afghanistan.
3. As regards the effects of the JWF, the EU and Afghanistan are not, contrary to the
readmission agreements, legally bound to follow the terms of cooperation set out in the
JWF. The JWF is thus not intended to produce any legally binding effects. As a result, this
instrument does not affect the EU’s internal legislation, neither does it add any new
obligations or rights for the individuals concerned.
4. The JWF may produce practical effects leading to the facilitation of readmission of
Afghan nationals, but only on the condition that the two parties (EU and Afghanistan)
respect the terms of cooperation described in the JWF. However, since the JWF is only
based on a political commitment, there is less certainty that the terms of cooperation will
indeed be respected.
5. The mechanism of legal remedies available against possible actions taken by the EU
Institutions, agencies or Member States remains unaffected by the JWF. Afghan citizens -
like any other third country nationals in this situation - have the right to an effective remedy
against a return decision concerning them, pursuant to Article 13 of the Return Directive
or in accordance with national law.
6. Given that the JWF is not an international agreement, the procedures for the conclusion
of international agreements provided for in Article 218 TFEU do not apply and
consequently the European Parliament is not involved. Nevertheless, the Parliament is
entitled to use any other powers at its disposal - in particular its budgetary and supervisory
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powers - if it disapproves of the Commission’s policy of concluding soft law instruments
with third countries in the field of migration.
Visa:
[
By delegation of the Jurisconsult,]
(Signed)
Annex:
Request for a legal opinion
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